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where N equals the number of team members. If two people crew a sailboat, there is only one coordination link between team members, but if eight people crew the same sailboat, providing four times the resources, there is the potential for 28 coordination links. Thus, as team size increases, there is the potential for an exponential increase in the cognitive resources required to undertake teamwork. Some tasks involve minimal coordination because the task requires that team members engage mostly in taskwork (i.e., work independently); others involve substantial coordination because members must also engage in teamwork (i.e., work interdependently), exemplified by the concept of a coordination link (Saavedra, Earley, & Van Dyne, 1993). Sports involving a high level of teamwork, such as basketball and soccer, have been described as interactive and those involving a low level of teamwork, such as archery and golf, coactive (Cratty, 1983). Football and relay swimming contain both interactive and coactive task elements. There is a negative relationship between the coordination requirements of a sport and the contribution of individual performance to overall team performance. Jones (1974, cited in Cratty, 1983) found that the correlation between these variables was .94 in baseball but .60 in basketball. The difference was attributed to the high level of teamwork that characterizes basketball compared to baseball. Tasks can also vary over their time course in terms of coordination requirements. Some periods of a task can require teamwork, such as during a relay race baton han-

Mean duration of siphon withdrawal (s)

Figure 3.2 Common pathways model; G = additive genetic effects common to all variables, E = nonshared environmental effects common to all variables, g = additive genetic effects unique to each variable, and e = nonshared environmental effects unique to each variable.

public life was in keeping with a Parsonian view of normal social arrangements Less routine here was the translation of social-emotional relations, the work expected of women and thought to be suited to domestic life, into a kind of communication labor needed in masculine corporate culture Despite small group researchers reliance at times on women, as in Lewin s work with women and nutrition during times of scarcity or Parson s familial gender division, small group research in the eld and the laboratory tended, in the early decades, to study the group life of men in the public domain (Bayer & Morawksi, 1991) Over subsequent decades, however, small group research became a site of gender-difference testing, almost serving as a barometer of the gender politicization of work spaces and women s movement into them (eg, Eagly, 1987; Eagly, Karau, & Makhijani, 1995).

Cybernetics and the Inside-Outside Problem in Times of Suspicion and Surveillance While the cybernetic age clearly had a hand in renewed study of boundaries between inner and outer, or the inside-outside problem (Heider, citing F Allport, 1959, p 115; Edwards, 1996; Hayles, 1999), equally mediating were postwar and McCarthy times in US life heightening a psychological sensibility around inner-outer spaces This period was itself, to quote M Brewster Smith (1986), marked by a crescendo of domestic preoccupation with loyalty and internal security (p 72) Drawing on the work of Paul Virillo, Hayles writes that in the post World War II period the distinction between inside and outside ceased to signify in the same way, as cybernetic notions began to circulate and connect up with contemporary political anxieties (p 114) Worries over the inability to distinguish between citizen and alien, loyal American and communist spy (Hayles, p.